Saturday, October 3, 2015

"It's Jeb's Fault!"

The following editorial was carried by the Ft. Myers NEWS-PRESS on September 23, 2015


"It's Jeb's Fault!"   by Jack Bovee

Many pundits ask Jeb Bush about his support for Common Core, but none question him on his major gaffe as Governor—eliminating Florida’s long-standing graduation requirement that students successfully complete courses in American History and Government.  That this happened so soon after 9/11 and at the time numerous surveys reported American students lacked basic knowledge of history, civics, geography and economics is downright bizarre.  For example, a National Geographic study in 2002 revealed that young adults in Mexico and seven other nations could better identify the location of the U.S. on a world map, could more accurately determine the correct size of the U.S. population, and could better identify the Taliban or Al Qaeda than their 18-24 year peers in this nation!  Bruce Cole, Chair of the National Endowment of the Humanities, published “Our National Amnesia” in the Wall Street Journal in May, 2002 describing an entire series of devastating reports. Moreover, Jeb was fully aware that National Assessment for Educational Progress continually revealed our students’ worst subject as American History. That no state is ever compared on NAEP social studies assessments might give a clue as to why students do perform so poorly in historical and civic understanding and why Jeb could feel completely comfortable eliminating such courses as high school requirements!   This is still the case today.
     Jeb was also fully aware that a huge percentage of Florida’s students arrived in our state from non-democratic nations.  Under his proposal many would graduate without ever having exposure to our nation’s civic and historical heritage.  Jeb’s resistance to allowing civic and historical knowledge to even be considered when promoting students from one grade level to the next in grades one to five made the assimilation of these children virtually impossible. All attempts to add social studies to the state’s Pupil Progression Plan—even after the Florida Chancellor for K-12 lent his support to the effort—failed under his leadership!   Just how were Florida schools supposed to assimilate such children into American society?   
     After the legislature passed Jeb’s plan in 2003, he was excoriated in Congress by Jim Davis (D-Tampa) and by Senator Lamar Alexander, a former Republican Secretary of Education, who scrupulously avoided mentioning his name.  He was criticized by conservatives like Phyllis Schlafly and quietly rebuked by former Democratic governor Bob Graham.  None of it stuck and he remained undeterred. 
     Around this same time his administration sent to all districts a 90 question D.O.E. Drug Awareness survey that was administered to 70,000 Florida students.  Unlike civic and historical knowledge, Florida’s youth would be compared in these drug surveys —district by district--and Florida to the rest of the nation.
     The following year Florida’s history teachers went on the offensive.  Since the 1980s their pleas for some sort of state and district accountability—even along the lines of the Drug Awareness surveys—had fallen repeatedly upon deaf ears in Tallahassee.  They protested that Florida’s Department of Education had abandoned its civic education mission.  Florida’s D.O.E. distributed suggested reading activities for students at grade three, for example, that rarely contained historical or civic education content.  Rather, stories about the “differences between dogs and cats” and how to “make a peanut-butter and jelly sandwich” went out to school districts as “models” for reading instruction.  Floridians today can thank its history teachers and not Jeb Bush for the fact that once again all its graduates must successfully pass American History and Government to graduate.   He fought us all the way!
     For those who want to know why young Americans today know so little about our nation’s past or its form of government--I suggest some future pundit ask “Jeb!” 


Jack Bovee has been a social studies teacher in Florida for over 40 years and was formerly Chair of the Legislative Committee for the Florida Council for the Social Studies during this time.  He lives with his wife in Fort Myers.



Tuesday, September 29, 2015

Look What Freshman Composition Has Become


 
February 23, 2014
By Mary Grabar
 
"Real learning takes place outside the classroom," the late communist history professor Howard Zinn famously said.  Zinn practiced what he preached and led his students at Spelman College and Boston University on marches and protests. 
 
The 1960s saw plenty of teach-ins and marches by students and some radical professors.  But even then it would have been hard to imagine how the staple of first-year coursework, Freshman Composition, would be used to turn students into activists, subverting the idea of "composition" itself and leaving some students free of any ability to write.
 
Little Writing, But Plenty of Activism 
 
Indeed, as I learned from reading an article in the journal Hybrid Pedagogy, freshman composition provides an opportunity to display "bravery."  In "Social Action and the Status Quo: Bravery in First Year Composition," Susan Gail Taylor refers to the Rhetoric in Action project at the University of South Florida where she was then teaching as a graduate student.  The project asks students to engage in activism and then offer their "personal narrative of social action experience."  Although the website states that students should use the "writing process" and "academic conventions," much of what they do seems to go far beyond "composition" as traditionally known.  Students, instead, are asked to share first-person experiences in "multiple genres," such as "letter, website, video, artwork, flyer, pamphlet, panel, demonstration."
 
Taylor has given her students assignments at "Take Back the Night" and "Slut Walk" events.  She has had them videotape themselves discussing how they have overcome personal challenges.  Some students appear to resist, but Taylor tells colleagues, "I've developed a few ways to counteract possible hesitation and prepare my students to inspire others with their actions. For instance, I typically choose a social issue and have students organize and lead flash mobs in efforts to raise awareness."
 
In "brief moments," of flash mobs—90 seconds to 3 minutes—"students are faced with the power of their own voices (both literally and figuratively)."  (One wonders about the "power of the voice" of the student who disagrees with such causes.)  Students, Taylor claims, "are challenged to step outside of a traditional essay that discusses action and instead are tasked with becoming the action, thus inciting them to discover their own capacity for bravery and resistance."
 
Bravery?  In her YouTube video of the SlutWalk on September 16, 2011, her mostly female students chant, "what I wear does not mean yes." The male voices make an odd counterpoint towards the end, as does the image of a couple guys reluctantly tagging behind a few paces. Taylor writes under the link: "They made awesome choices in their posters, they were loud and they were proud. Rhetoric was definitely in action! :)"
 
She explains her pedagogical purpose: "I want to show students how the power of language and the power of action can intersect: they select our chants and the information we use, they design the posters (which I provide), and they choose the locations—all in an effort to have even one person be affected by their work."
 
Well, yes, this is a form of persuasion, but certainly outside the bounds of legitimate rhetorical persuasion.  Such an assignment seems to verge on illegality or coercion, and certainly has little to do with the "art of persuasion," as described in Aristotle's Rhetoric--the foundational text.
 
Taylor, however, does not seem to be outside the current academic mainstream. The 35,000-member National Council of Teachers of English publishes, among  other books, Writing Partnerships by Thomas Deans, which tells composition teachers how to combine "writing instruction with community action." 
 
Deans traces the recent evolution of composition: "As a discipline, rhetoric and composition has adopted the broadly defined 'social perspective' on writing," having "evolved from studies of the lone writer to more contextual understandings of composing; from a narrow, functional definition of literacy, focused on correctness, to a broader definition; from an exclusive focus on academic discourse to the study of both school and nonacademic contexts for writing; from presuming white middle-class culture as normative to analyzing and inviting cultural difference; and from gatekeeping at the university to facilitating the advancement of all students."
 
Betraying the Original Purpose 
 
Freshman Composition was intended to provide remedial help to students as campuses opened up to a broader mass of students—to the chagrin of traditionalists who wanted to maintain standards. It has been a service course, intended to equip college students with basic writing skills, to be transferred to other classes and then into the workplace. Advanced students could opt out by demonstrating their ability in writing tests, usually some variation of the standard five-paragraph essay. Increasingly, though, students have required remedial help for a course intended to be remedial. I know from teaching such courses that the remediation goes back to sentence-level grammar.
 
At the same time, I've seen the changes Deans notes: the emphasis on group work and peer review, the politically contentious topics almost exclusively from a leftist perspective, the addition of "visual literacy" as a category of literacy, and the multicultural sensitivities, not only in topics, but in language use.
 
The shift away from composition instruction to activism is evidenced in articles published in the organization's journal, the College Composition and Communication and in the journal Pedagogy.  Similar books, such as Composition and Sustainability: Teaching for a Threatened Generation, Rhetoric of Respect, about "academic-community writing partnerships" and  S.U.N.Y. Press's Making Writing Matter: Composition in the Engaged University, offer strategies for transforming classrooms into activist sites.  A professor writes in the foreword to Affirming Students' Rights to Their Own Language, "For many of us, the assertion of student language was inextricable from our national and international quest for social justice."  Major textbook publishers, like Bedford, are responding to market demand with single-themed readers on Sustainability, Money Changes Everything, Food Matters, and Composing Gender (the last with a cover photo of a female ballerina holding up a male ballet dancer).  The upcoming annual meeting of the Conference on College Composition and Communication is filled with panel discussions on activism; a featured speaker is Black Panther-turned professor, Angela Davis.  Her biography notes her "activism," from when she was a "youngster" to her work today as an advocate of "prison abolition." 
 
The radicalization is finessed by statements like Deans'—that the field is expanding beyond a "narrow, functional definition" and shifting from "gatekeeping" to "facilitating the advancement of all students" (emphasis added).  In plain English, this means that standards for writing are being eliminated.  Furthermore, writing itself is being replaced by visual and auditory forms of persuasion, often in mobs.  These are called "brave" actions.  
 
Deans attempts to spread a patina of academic legitimacy over such activism by claiming there is a "coherent and substantial theoretical framework" for it. He cites the progressive education theorist and philosopher John Dewey and Marxist theorist Paulo Freire. 
 
Deans also ludicrously claims that such activism goes back to the ancients.  He states that Aristotle's Rhetoric was intended to "intervene in the public sphere," (maybe), and not necessarily be used in today's "school settings," but he ignores the fact that freshman composition is being to taught to young people who should be acquiring knowledge and skills.  That is why they are in college in the first place.  He also misleadingly refers to Isocrates, Cicero, and Quintilian in the same way of needing "to connect rhetorical practice to civic responsibility."  He even uses the "sweep of U.S. history—from Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin to Jane Addams and John Dewey"—to support "experiential learning."   
 
Indeed, if we did go back to Jefferson and Franklin, two men who did have a sense of civic responsibility, we would find an opposite approach, one that values study, introspection, imitation, and debate before taking on the adult duties of "civic responsibility."  Franklin in his autobiography describes how he educated himself by imitating the master stylists in the Spectator, by reading widely, and by debating his peers in the Junto club. In such education, the effort is made to gain a perspective outside one's own limited circle.  Shouting in mobs is the opposite of what Aristotle, Jefferson, and Franklin had in mind.
 
We have radical professors promoting the idea that students' own language is good enough, that there are no models for them to read and emulate, that they are to be change agents, participating in mob actions and demonstrating their "bravery" for credit.  The end results are sure to be confused, narcissistic, indoctrinated illiterates.
 
 
Mary Grabar is an instructor in English living in Atlanta.